In a powerful display of cooperation and military capability, approximately 2,000 personnel from the Australian Defence Force (ADF) and Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) are participating in Exercise Keris Woomera, which began on 3 November. This exercise, held in Indonesia, marks the largest combined joint military activity between the two nations in recent history and is part of the Indo-Pacific Endeavour 2024, Australia’s largest international engagement effort in the region.

The exercise, spanning across air, maritime, amphibious, and land operations, is designed to enhance interoperability and readiness for shared security challenges. A highlight of the activities will include a humanitarian assistance and disaster relief evacuation scenario, allowing both forces to rehearse critical responses to regional crises. Keris Woomera will culminate in a combined joint live-fire exercise involving tanks, artillery, infantry, and attack helicopters.

In a show of integration, around 35 TNI personnel will deploy on board HMAS Adelaide in Darwin to undergo specialized training alongside ADF personnel. This opportunity strengthens mutual understanding and joint operational capabilities.

“Exercise Keris Woomera gives the ADF and TNI the opportunity to test our combined capabilities across the sea, land, and air employing the most complex scenarios,” stated Chief of Joint Operations, Vice Admiral Justin Jones. “By training together, our forces build upon shared tactics, techniques, and procedures to enhance interoperability and readiness to respond to shared security challenges in the region.”

This year’s exercise also underscores the growing collaboration between Australia and Indonesia, recently fortified by the signing of the Australia-Indonesia Defence Cooperation Agreement. This landmark agreement, the most significant defence pact in the history of their bilateral relationship, paves the way for expanded joint training and operational coordination.

As Keris Woomera progresses, Vice Admiral Jones expressed his appreciation for the efforts of sailors, soldiers, and aviators deployed on HMAS Adelaide and in Indonesia. He eagerly anticipates observing the exercise alongside his TNI counterparts, reflecting the strengthened ties and shared commitment of both forces to maintaining stability and security in the Indo-Pacific region.

On November 5, Ukraine’s Prosecutor General’s Office reported that Russian troops had killed six captured Ukrainian soldiers near Pokrovsk in Donetsk Oblast. According to the report, three Ukrainian soldiers were captured unarmed on October 23 during a Russian offensive near Selydove and subsequently shot.

On November 1, three more Ukrainian prisoners of war were reportedly killed by Russian forces during an assault on Ukrainian lines in the Pokrovsk direction. Ukrainian authorities regularly receive reports of the torture, mistreatment, and murder of Ukrainian POWs, adding to ongoing concerns about the treatment of prisoners in the conflict.

The recent Qantas upgrades affair has spilled far beyond Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, revealing a troubling culture of privilege across political lines. What began as a targeted scrutiny on Albanese’s flight perks has evolved into a scandal affecting ministers and MPs from all parties. As more details emerge, Australians are left questioning if their leaders are abusing entitlements and, crucially, if it’s time for a substantial overhaul of travel perks and privileges for all parliamentarians.

The controversy reached new heights over the weekend when Education Minister Jason Clare, during a Sky News interview about a proposal to reduce student debt by 20%, shared details on his own Qantas upgrade request. In 2019, Clare sought a private flight upgrade for a trip to Singapore, citing medical reasons following leg surgery. He claims the upgrade request was a one-off and can’t recall whom he contacted at Qantas, but it has highlighted the ease with which some ministers can call in personal favours, even for non-official travel.

On the other side of politics, the Nationals’ Bridget McKenzie has yet to disclose full information regarding her own upgrades. While she’s led a public outcry against Albanese’s perks, her hesitation to release her travel history has invited criticism. Similarly, Liberal MP Paul Fletcher has come under fire for his 69 upgrades over nearly 15 years, often booking economy on shorter flights to use upgrades on longer trips. It raises the question of how widespread this reliance on privileges really is.

Under parliamentary rules, MPs are entitled to fly business class domestically. However, some choose economy on short hauls, making them eligible for upgrades on longer flights. While these privileges may be within the rules, they call into question the standard of ethical accountability elected officials hold themselves to. This ongoing saga points to a critical need for policy reform.

To prevent further exploitation of taxpayer-funded perks, reforms are needed to clarify—and curb—travel benefits for all MPs. First, all upgrades on personal travel, whether domestic or overseas, should be explicitly banned. If parliamentarians wish to avoid the discomfort of economy, they should foot the bill themselves. Second, the ministers for transport and their shadows should lead by example, refusing any upgrades for official travel. This step would reduce perceptions of favouritism and influence from major corporations.

As estimates hearings kick off this week, the Qantas upgrades affair is bound to be high on the agenda. However, scrutiny of perks may just be the beginning. MPs are expected to question broader issues, from the existence of the exclusive Qantas Chairman’s Lounge to other privileges that foster unequal treatment between politicians and the public.

The Chairmen’s Lounge itself has gained attention, especially following the recent release of Joe Aston’s book on the subject. The networking benefits, provided by invitation only, amplify the connections between politicians and corporate elites, further alienating them from everyday Australians.

In addition to the upgrades issue, Senate hearings will likely address other controversies, including questions over Lidia Thorpe’s parliamentary oath. McKenzie and other opposition figures have targeted Thorpe, who protested the swearing-in ceremony for the King. However, constitutional expert Anne Twomey argues that Thorpe’s actions meet legal requirements, and pursuing action against her could backfire, feeding into her platform and possibly damaging Australia’s international image regarding Indigenous representation.

Meanwhile, the House of Representatives faces a legislative marathon this week, with bills on misinformation, the NBN, aged care, and soon-to-come gambling restrictions. But the government’s latest promise to cut student debt by 20% is also under scrutiny. Announced by Albanese over the weekend, this proposal aims to ease the debt burden on millennials and younger Australians—but it won’t materialize unless Labor wins next year’s election. The government claims the cost is around $16 billion, though economists suggest the actual burden on taxpayers would be less.

The Qantas upgrades affair highlights that it’s not just the actions of a few individuals in power but a broader culture that has grown unchallenged. It’s time for Australian leaders to practice transparency and restraint, aligning themselves with the people they serve. Anything less betrays public trust, reinforcing a growing rift between MPs and their constituents. Reforming perks is a necessary first step to repair a broken image and restore faith in those elected to serve.

While Russia continues to launch dozens of Shahed drones against Ukrainian cities almost daily and more men are sent to the front line, brave Ukrainian women step up to protect the skies. The Kyiv Independent joined one such unit that refers to themselves as the Witches of Bucha, after a suburb in Kyiv Oblast where they are based. Since all of them are volunteers, these women combine their combat duties with civilian lives.

Join us in this gripping narrative as tensions escalate between China and the United States. Xi Jinping’s meticulously planned assault unfolds, combining cyber warfare, missile barrages, and strategic maneuvers. Can America thwart China’s ambitions and rally its allies in time? Witness the epic clash as global powers collide!

ED: My comments about the lack of Patriotism yesterday prompted this article in my inbox this morning.

In recent decades, there’s been a noticeable decline in public patriotism and interactions with members of the Australian Defence Force (ADF), who are increasingly hidden from the public eye. Unlike earlier times, when men and women in uniform were common sights in the community, a generally accepted rule has emerged that discourages ADF personnel from wearing their uniforms in public and speaking openly about their roles. Even on occasions where uniforms are worn, extensive approval processes and cultural taboos often stand in the way.

This trend has created a cultural divide between the public and those who serve. ADF personnel, who once symbolized national pride, may hesitate to appear in uniform publicly, fearing negative reactions or even media scrutiny. A mentality has developed where serving in uniform is perceived as overly boastful, risking scrutiny for appearing “cringe-worthy” or “poseur-like.” Media coverage has occasionally fuelled this perception, casting military service in a less favourable light and deterring the celebration of Australia’s armed forces.

Ironically, this lack of visible patriotism comes at a time when the ADF is operating in increasingly complex and critical scenarios. With intensifying military activities in the Indo-Pacific region, now more than ever, Australia needs to reinforce its military force. The ADF is facing a recruitment crisis, and failure to adequately bridge the gap between the public and the military may be undermining efforts to attract new recruits.

In response to these issues, the federal government’s 2023 Defence Strategic Review (DSR) called for significant reforms, aiming to shorten recruitment times and strengthen the Reserve forces. Recognizing the urgency of the recruitment shortage, the DSR recommended speeding up the enlistment process from months to mere days and expanding initiatives like the Ready Reserve Scheme to bolster military preparedness. By 2040, Australia aims to grow its armed forces to 80,000 personnel, but with current recruitment rates falling behind, the gap in operational strength—currently over 4,300 members below authorized levels—remains a pressing concern.

The path forward lies in fostering a renewed sense of national pride that celebrates the contributions of our military personnel. A more visible military presence and open discussion of ADF service could rekindle community engagement with the armed forces. Supporting those who serve, honouring their commitment, and encouraging Australians to view military service as a worthy pursuit could restore the bond between the public and the military, ensuring the ADF’s growth and readiness in an increasingly uncertain world.

Our “Land Down Under” must rise to the occasion, embracing our history, our military, and the everyday heroes who stand ready to protect the nation.

South Korea and Japan are emerging as frontrunners in Australia’s bid to build a new fleet of light frigates, a project valued at over $11 billion. The Albanese government is expected to narrow down its selection soon, with five shipbuilders from four countries competing for the SEA 3000 project, which will replace Australia’s aging Anzac-class warships.

The bidders include South Korea’s Hanwha Ocean and Hyundai Heavy Industries (HHI), Japan’s Mitsubishi Heavy Industries (MHI), Spain’s Navantia, and Germany’s ThyssenKrupp Marine Systems (TKMS). The initial three frigates are planned to be built overseas, with the first delivered by 2029, before production shifts to Henderson shipyard in Perth. Speculation suggests South Korea and Japan hold an advantage, partly due to strategic ties within the Indo-Pacific region.

Japan and South Korea, seen as essential regional allies, offer distinct capabilities and advantages. Japan has limited experience exporting military technology but benefits from strong collaborations with UK’s BAE Systems and strategic partnerships under AUKUS. South Korea, with robust shipbuilding expertise, has gained recognition after a multi-billion-dollar contract for infantry fighting vehicles. However, the competition is marred by legal issues, with HHI facing allegations of warship technology theft from rival Hanwha Ocean.

Spain’s Navantia and Germany’s TKMS remain contenders, with modular designs adaptable to Australian specifications, like the MEKO A-200’s compatibility with radar and combat systems.

Australia’s Defence Department is keeping details under wraps, but high-level discussions are underway. Defence officials, including Rear Admiral Wendy Malcolm, are scheduled to visit the four countries to communicate Australia’s preliminary decisions, emphasizing the nation’s commitment to strengthening regional defence capabilities.

Picture: A Collins Class submarine at Henderson Marine Complex, Western Australia. Credit Australian DoD

US Navy News:
Australia’s ability to maintain an operational submarine fleet has been called into question, as five of its six Collins-class submarines undergo lengthy repairs and upgrades. Defence experts warn this situation highlights a serious “capability gap” that could hinder Australia’s regional security posture and power projection in the Pacific.

Australia’s aging Collins-class submarine fleet is facing a major crisis, with only one boat reported to be fully operational. According to a report by the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC), five of the six submarines are currently non-operational due to ongoing repairs, upgrades, and unexpected corrosion issues, leaving Australia’s naval presence in the Pacific at risk.

Defence sources report that two submarines are at Adelaide’s Osborne shipyard, which is grappling with delays caused by unexpected corrosion as well as a workforce strike that has slowed maintenance work. The remaining three boats are docked at HMAS Stirling’s Garden Island base in Western Australia. The Ministry of Defence issued a statement assuring the public that “more than one boat” could be deployed if necessary and that the submarines continue to meet government-directed operational levels. However, the exact number of submarines that could be deployed in a combat scenario remains unclear.

Defence analysts have expressed serious concerns. Malcolm Davis, a senior analyst at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI), described the news as “pretty alarming.” He noted, “If our Collins-class SSKs are non-operational in 2024, I really doubt they will be a credible force through the remainder of this decade, let alone into the next one.” This sentiment underscores the anxiety over a potential capability gap between the expected lifespan of the Collins class and the arrival of new Virginia-class nuclear-powered submarines from the United States, which are slated to begin arriving in the 2030s.

The Collins-class submarines, first commissioned in the 1990s, were initially expected to be decommissioned in the 2020s. Successive Australian governments have delayed making concrete decisions regarding their replacement, which led to the Life-of-Type Extension (LOTE) program announced in June. This initiative aims to extend the boats’ service life into the 2040s, but even this has been scaled back. Originally planned upgrades, including advanced optronics and Tomahawk missile capability, have been reduced due to budget constraints and technical hurdles.

Jennifer Parker, a former Royal Australian Navy officer and now an expert at the National Security College at the Australian National University, pointed out that the fleet’s current state is “not surprising.” “The lesson here is that successive governments have delayed decision making on recapitalization of the Navy. Now the issues can’t be immediately fixed,” Parker said, stressing the

With Canberra unlikely to obtain nuclear-powered submarines from the U.S. or U.K. until the 2030s, experts are proposing alternative solutions to bridge the gap. Malcolm Davis argued that the AUKUS plan could have included options to acquire conventionally powered submarines from allies like Japan or South Korea instead of relying solely on LOTE upgrades.

However, the Royal Australian Navy reportedly opposed this approach out of concern that investing in conventional options would divert political and financial support away from the nuclear-powered fleet planned under the AUKUS agreement.

As part of the AUKUS deal, one U.K. and up to four U.S. submarines are set to rotate through HMAS Stirling in Western Australia by 2027 as part of Submarine Rotational Force – West (SRF-West). While this could help alleviate immediate operational gaps, Davis questioned the effectiveness of relying on foreign assets. “My guess is that government will try to explain that SRF-West will carry the burden if the Collins class boats can’t deploy, but that argument is pretty unconvincing given that the SRF-W boats are U.S. Navy and occasional Royal Navy Astutes,” he said.

The current state of Australia’s Collins-class submarines reflects longstanding challenges in strategic defence planning. With only one operational boat, Canberra’s capacity to respond to regional threats or assert its presence in contested waters is weakened. The situation underscores the critical need for timely decisions in naval procurement and capability maintenance—decisions that will impact Australia’s defence capabilities for decades to come.