Why the US Should Not Withdraw from NATO

ED: This from my inbox – Thanks to Luke Washman

I understand why some argue for the United States to withdraw from NATO, but I believe it would be a serious mistake. The lack of strong defence capabilities in the European Union is no accident. After World War II, the United States emerged as the dominant global power, and it was in its best interest to maintain that influence. With Europe devastated and focused on reconstruction, the US stepped in to fill the security gap. Over time, this has led to the EU becoming overly dependent on American military power, a situation that may not actually be to Europe’s long-term benefit.

One of the greatest challenges to US dominance in the region is the potential for the EU to become both militarily and economically independent. Whether this outcome was intentional from the beginning is uncertain, but it has certainly evolved into a strategic advantage for the United States. The US has a vested interest in keeping the EU reliant on its military protection and weapons sales, ensuring continued influence.

A good example of this dynamic is South Korea. From 1979 until 2020-2021, the US imposed strict limits on South Korea’s missile capabilities, capping their payload and range. The range restrictions were gradually relaxed, increasing from 300 kilometres in 2001 to 800 kilometres in later years. While one justification for these limits was preventing regional tensions from escalating, another factor was the United States’ control over military capabilities in the region. If the US didn’t want South Korea to have certain weapons, why sell them in the first place? This mirrors the situation in Europe, where the US ensures that its allies remain dependent on American military support.

If the US were to withdraw from NATO and allow the EU to become more militarily and economically independent, American influence in the region would almost certainly decline over the next decade or two. The longstanding security “subsidy” that the US has provided to Europe may not be an act of generosity, but rather a strategic move to maintain its global dominance. Walking away from NATO could mean sacrificing that leverage, which would have profound consequences for America’s role in the world.

Privacy Nightmare on Wheels: How Cars Are Harvesting Your Data

Modern cars are no longer just vehicles; they are powerful data-harvesting machines. With internet-connected features, they collect vast amounts of personal information through cameras, microphones, sensors, and connected phones or apps. This raises serious privacy concerns, and Australia’s outdated privacy laws are ill-equipped to address them.

The Extent of Data Collection

A US-based study by the Mozilla Foundation examined the privacy terms of 25 car brands and found they collect an alarming range of data, including:

  • Driving habits: Speed, braking, acceleration, steering, seat belt use.
  • Personal details: Navigation history, phone contacts, voice data, and even facial expressions.
  • Surroundings: Footage of drivers, passengers, and even people outside the vehicle.

One disturbing revelation was that Tesla employees internally shared intimate footage captured from private vehicles for their own amusement. Cars were deemed “the worst category of products for privacy” that Mozilla had ever reviewed.

Where Does the Data Go?

Collected data is often used for improving vehicle safety and enhancing user experience. However, it is also shared with third parties, including marketing agencies and data brokers, or used to profile individuals based on intelligence, preferences, and characteristics. Unlike the United States, where privacy laws in states like California and Virginia require detailed disclosures, Australia lacks such protections. As a result, Australians remain largely unaware of how their data is being used or who has access to it.

Real-Time Data Transmission

Historically, vehicle data was stored in internal modules and accessed only during diagnostic checks. Today, connected cars transmit data wirelessly to manufacturers, third-party service providers, and even infrastructure operators. This creates significant risks, as companies collect and share this information without clear consent from users.

A review of privacy policies of car manufacturers operating in Australia reveals vague statements about data usage. Some brands disclose data to:

  • Marketing firms for targeted advertising.
  • Affiliated companies worldwide for research and development.
  • Law enforcement without legal obligation, if they deem it “reasonably necessary.”
  • Vehicle insurance companies then used when assessing claims

The Need for Urgent Privacy Reform

Australia’s current privacy laws fail to provide adequate protection against such extensive data collection. Without legal mandates for transparency, Australians have little control over their personal information. Stronger privacy regulations are needed, including:

  • Clear disclosure requirements on data collection and sharing practices.
  • Stricter limits on data transmission to third parties.
  • Stronger international cooperation to enforce privacy standards across global car manufacturers.

Without immediate action, connected cars will continue to be a major privacy risk, exposing Australians to unchecked data collection and potential misuse of their personal information. Regulatory reforms must be a priority to ensure consumer rights and data security in the era of smart vehicles.

CLICK LINK to watch related video

Biscuit Bombing in PNG

(By Ken Lockyer, an Australian serving in the USAAF 322 Carrier Wing in 1945 in PNG).

It’s not often that the troops want to thank the airmen who are dropping bombs on them, but this certainly happened in New Guinea during World War II. It helped that the ‘bombs’ were parcels of newspapers and ice cream destined to cheer up the men fighting in the steaming jungles below. But what a morale booster it was to have this aerial bombardment arrive just when you were cursing the elements and the war in general.

Captain Ken Lockyer, Wireless Operator Gunner (WAG) Jimmy Packer, and Flying Officer Ted Staal were regulars on the ‘courier run’ from Australia to New Guinea and the Pacific islands, officially carrying General MacArthur’s commands to the Allied forces. They flew come rain, come shine, and never missed a flight regardless of the conditions or weather, according to Mrs Anne Lockyer.

In spite of opposition from the Americans, it was their idea to deliver to the men in the field ice cream, cake, and newspapers, she added. “My husband went to Mr Christopherson, of Peter’s Ice Cream in Brisbane, who was happy to give him as much ice cream as the aircraft could carry to deliver to ‘the boys’ on a regular basis,” Mrs Lockyer said.

Their efforts were well and truly welcomed by the troops, several of whom wrote to the RAAF trio to thank them for the drops. Sapper Ken Izzard was typical of the writers.

“Dear Ken, Fred & Jim,

Just a few lines to let you know that the bombing you had done on the morning of 28-2-45 using ice cream as bombs was very accurate indeed,” he wrote.

“Two of the boys and myself were doing a bit of a hike in the mud and heat, cursing the world in general and the bloody Nips in particular for making us come up to this steaming hell. After the cursing, we tried to cool things down by telling one another how a nice long draught of frosty beer or something cold would go.

I think you must have heard us, for about five minutes after, we heard the familiar roar of engines and made a concerted dash for a clearing, hoping to be on the receiving end of a good old Aussie paper. Just as we made the clearing, we looked up in time to see a parcel leave the door, and it landed about 15 feet [4.5 metres] in front of us. Needless to say, it was a matter of seconds before the paper was torn off, and there, looking us dead in the eye, were six great blocks of ice cream.

For a minute, we just stood and gaped, but I must admit it was a short minute. We then promptly called smoko, and with the aid of some Infantry boys, soon made a mess of the ice cream—and believe me, it was very nice and in good shape on landing.

I’d like you to thank Mr Christopherson for his kindness in passing bricks along for you to drop onto the boys. Believe me when I say that the boys appreciate greatly the job you do between you, and again when I say that your plane is the most popular on the island and is waited on by all the boys in hopes that they may get a paper.

You say that you’re sorry that you can’t get enough papers to go round. Well, I can honestly say that the boys understand that your supply is limited and appreciate your kind deeds to the full extent. You tell us to give the Japs hell. Well, the boys are doing just that, and with no beg pardons. The Japs are doing a bit of running but get caught up with fairly often. The RAAF have been having some good shooting, and they work in well with the boys and give them great support.

We may go crook at them later if we have to fill in any of the craters they made. Maybe I’ll run into you when you have a new strip. I certainly would like to meet up with the three of you and thank you personally for the grand job you are doing for and with the boys.

Well, I guess I’ve bored your ears quite enough, so I’ll finish this dribble, sending my regards and good flying to you all, and thanks once again.

Yours faithfully,
Ken Izzard.”

Ken Lockyer and Jimmy Packer died within days of each other in February 2000. Ted Staal was chairman of Emerald Shire Council for many years until he retired.

Ted Staal recalled his days flying in New Guinea with some nostalgia. “My flying time with these two quite outstanding men is still very vivid in my memory,” he said. “I clocked up nearly 1,000 hours in my time flying together with them. The conditions were sometimes appalling, both in climate and a geographical sense, cyclones being reasonably common, both to fly into—and hopefully out!”

In a recent letter to Mrs Lockyer, Ted Staal wrote: “Ken was our captain and a top man indeed. In essence, actually, rank was of no consequence. We were just a team of brothers.”

ED: This story was copied from the Tweed Heads-Coolangatta RSL Sub Branch Newsletter

Navy Week 2025: Showcasing the Future of the Royal Australian Navy

Chief of Navy, Vice Admiral Mark Hammond, AO, RAN, proudly invites all Australians to take part in Navy Week 2025, running from 3 to 9 March. This annual celebration provides a unique opportunity for the public to engage with the men and women of the Royal Australian Navy (RAN) and gain insight into the Navy’s vital role in safeguarding Australia’s security and economic prosperity.

Vice Admiral Hammond said: “It’s an honour to open Navy Week and see our people who serve, their families, and the broader Australian community come together to celebrate and recognise the crucial role Navy plays in protecting our nation’s economic prosperity and the Australian way of life. Navy Week 2025 recognises the significant investment in the size and lethality of the Navy’s surface combatant fleet. Last year, Navy achieved three successful test firings of new missile capabilities in one year—the Naval Strike Missile, the Standard Missile-6, and the Tomahawk cruise missile.

“Our people are our greatest asset. Dedicated, trained, extraordinary Australians committed to Navy’s role are our competitive edge. Without our people and the support of their families, none of our work would be possible.”

Celebrating the Future of the Navy

This year’s Navy Week theme, Future of the Navy, highlights the investment in a larger and more powerful surface combatant fleet, complemented by a future fleet of conventionally armed, nuclear-powered submarines. As the Navy continues to evolve, these advancements ensure Australia’s maritime forces remain ready to meet future challenges.

Navy Week will feature a variety of events, including ceremonial sunsets, base open days, and community engagement activities across major cities and regional areas. These events offer Australians a chance to connect with Navy personnel, witness naval traditions, and better understand how the RAN operates on, under, and above the sea.

Get Involved

Navy Week is an opportunity to celebrate the dedication of Navy personnel and their families while showcasing the cutting-edge capabilities that will shape the future of the RAN. The Royal Australian Navy invites all Australians to take part in the festivities and experience Navy Week 2025 firsthand.

For a full list of Navy Week events and activities, visit navy.gov.au.

 

Veterans urged to check eligibility for ADF Firefighters Scheme

By APDR

Veterans who served as firefighters at RAAF Base Point Cook between 1 January 1957 and 31 December 1986 are being urged to investigate their eligibility for the ADF Firefighters Scheme. To date, some 268 of DVA’s clients have an accepted eligibility under the scheme, an initiative launched by the Australian Government in 2021.

The Air Force Association (AFA) is encouraging former ADF members who served as ADF Firefighters to determine if they qualify for health care and compensation benefits designed to address service-related challenges.

Deanna Nott, National Vice President and Director of Communications for AFA, highlighted the scheme’s importance, crediting former AFA President Carl Schiller OAM CSM for convincing the Government to agree to its creation.  “A significant part of what Carl achieved for veterans from the three Services was getting this scheme established,” said Nott.

The program targets ADF Firefighters who may have been exposed to risks during their service at Point Cook, offering health care and compensation support. As of 10 February 2025, 161 of the 268 eligible veterans have lodged claims for compensation, a notable number for this specialised group but others may be eligible for health care and compensation. The scheme provides access to fully funded health screenings for conditions like colorectal cancer and melanoma, alongside compensation options for a range of prescribed health issues. For those who qualify, the process is simplified – veterans don’t need to prove every detail of causation and previously rejected claims can be resubmitted for review.

Nott emphasised the need to reach more veterans. “We want to ensure everyone who’s eligible knows what’s available,” she said.

The AFA, which supports serving and former aviators and their families through advocacy, connection and community, is actively working to raise awareness. If you served as an ADF firefighter at Point Cook between 1957 and 1986, it’s worth exploring your eligibility. Contact the DVA at 1800 VETERAN (1800 838 372) or check their website for details at https://www.dva.gov.au/get-support/financial-support/compensation-claims/claims-if-you-were-injured-1-july-2004/australian-defence-force-adf-firefighter-scheme.

 

F-35 Lightning II Fleet Surpasses One Million Flight Hours

The F-35 Lightning II has reached a major milestone, surpassing one million flight hours across its global fleet. With over 1,100 aircraft in service across 16 military organizations, these hours include training, operational missions, and combat sorties.

This achievement reflects not only the aircraft’s reliability but also the extensive support network required to maintain its readiness. Thousands of personnel in logistics, maintenance, and operations ensure the fleet remains mission-capable around the clock.

The F-35 program began in 1997 as part of the Joint Strike Fighter initiative, designed to create a versatile, multi-role aircraft. A competitive process led to the selection of the X-35, which evolved into three variants: the conventional take off and landing F-35A, the short take off and vertical landing F-35B, and the carrier-capable F-35C.

In 2001, a contract was awarded for full-scale development, and by 2006, the first production prototype was ready. Since then, the aircraft has exceeded performance expectations, achieving operational status in multiple countries.

Currently, 20 nations have incorporated the F-35 into their defence strategies. The fleet operates from 48 bases worldwide, including land-based and naval deployments. More than 2,790 pilots and 17,690 maintenance personnel support its growing operations.

Despite rapid expansion, the aircraft maintains a low accident rate—around 1.5 mishaps per 100,000 flight hours—lower than older fighter platforms.

With ongoing advancements and expanding roles, the F-35 continues to be the most advanced multirole fighter in service, ensuring air superiority for years to come.

Detectives Lay Charges Against NSW Nurse Over Antisemitic Video

A second nurse has been charged over a disturbing antisemitic video in which threats were allegedly made to harm Jewish patients at a south-west Sydney hospital. The incident has sparked widespread condemnation, with Australians calling for the maximum legal penalties to deter any further attacks of this nature.

Former Bankstown Hospital nurses Sarah Abu Lebdeh, 26, and Ahmad ‘Rashad’ Nadir, 27, were filmed in a shocking video that was widely circulated online after being shared by an Israel-based content creator. The video, which went viral, has been denounced as deeply offensive and dangerous.

Ahmad ‘Rashad’ Nadir was formally charged with a Commonwealth offence for using a carriage service to menace, harass, offend, or threaten. In addition, authorities discovered a prohibited drug inside his locker at Bankstown Hospital, leading to further charges.

NSW Police Commissioner Karen Webb expressed gratitude to Strike Force Pearl detectives for their relentless efforts in combating antisemitic crimes. “There is a tremendous amount of dedication and hard work going into these investigations. Detectives have faced significant challenges, including immense public expectation, but they remain committed to bringing these individuals to justice,” she stated.

This development follows last week’s charges against Sarah Abu Lebdeh, who is facing three Commonwealth offences in connection to the same video. Authorities were initially unable to question Nadir due to his hospitalisation for mental health concerns, but charges have now been laid despite these delays.

The investigation has been complex, as key witnesses, including the content creator who recorded the video, are based in Israel. The video was captured on Chatruletka, an online chat platform, further complicating the legal process.

The nurses, whose registrations were suspended immediately after the incident, have since issued apologies, initially dismissing their comments as a “joke.” However, the severity of their statements has led to widespread outrage, with many Australians demanding strict penalties to prevent similar acts of hatred in the future.

The public has overwhelmingly condemned the video, insisting that such antisemitic rhetoric has no place in Australia. Many believe that only the harshest punishment will send a clear message that threats against any community will not be tolerated. The case is expected to proceed through the legal system with intense scrutiny as authorities work to ensure accountability and justice.

Phước Tuy Province – a quiet “backwater” before the arrival of 1 ATF in mid-1966?

Written and researched by Ernie Chamberlain

In the Australian Parliament on 18 August 1971, Mr Lance Barnard (Labor – Deputy Leader of the Opposition) referred to Phước Tuy Province (South Vietnam) as: “a quiet 

backwater of the war”.  However, when reviewing VC activity in Phước Tuy in May 1966 – ie before 1 ATF deployed into Phước Tuy, the first Task Force commander – Brigadier David

Jackson, declared that the Province “was not a backwater”.

 

How intense was “”pre-ATF” fighting in the Province ? In very late December 1964 – prior to 1 ATF’s arrival in Vietnam, the VC 761st and 762nd Regiments (late retitled the 271st

and the 272nd Regiments) launched a multi-regimental attack against the mainly Catholic New Life village of Bình Giã (18 kilometres north of Bà Rịa Town – just east off Route 2 on

Route 327 – ie about 12 kilometres north of the future 1 ATF location at Núi Đất. Three Vietnamese ARVN Ranger battalions (30th, 33rd and 38th) attempted a relief of Bình Giã but

suffered very heavy casualties; and the 428-strong 4th Vietnamese Marine Battalion also lost 112 killed and 71 wounded in the fighting at Bình Giã. Three US advisers were

captured: a captain, a sergeant (later executed) and a private first class. The VC forces were armed with the first of their AK-47s in the South – delivered by sea in trawlers from the 

North and landed on the Phước Tuy coast north of Phước Hải in readiness for the battles of Bình Giã and Chòi Đồng in north-central Phước Tuy. The VC’s C440 and C445 Companies

– a few months later to become the D445 Battalion, also attacked at Bình Giã, as memorialized in the major monument in Bà Rịa (inaugurated in late November 2025).

 

On 11 November 1965, the 3rd Battalion on the 275th VC Main Force Regiment attempted to ambush an ARVN convoy (52nd Ranger Battalion) on Route 15 about 10

kilometres north-west of Bà Rịa Town. Forewarned by a VC defector, the Rangers repelled the 275th Regiment’s attack – and the VC force suffered very heavy casualties. A US JUSPAO

Report of 30 November 1965 noted “300” VC (and also “500” VC) were killed in that action at Kim Hải. On 18 November 1965, US President Johnson awarded a citation to the 52nd

Ranger battalion.

 

On 6 January 1966, MACCORDS (MACV Civil Operations and Rural Development Support) Team 89 – based in Vạn Kiếp (a large ARVN base and training centre on Bà Rịa’s

eastern outskirts), lost three US KIA in a D445 ambush. During subsequent US operations in Phước Tuy Province in the period April to mid-September 1966, US forces reportedly lost 

87 personnel KIA and 408 WIA – in Operations Abilene, Hardihood, Hollandia and Toledo.

 

In the period 9 March – 9 April 1966 – as an element of the 173d US Airborne Brigade during Operation Abilene, the 1RAR Battalion Group operated in southern Long

Khánh Province and Phước Tuy Province as part of the US 1st Infantry Division (“The Big Red One”) commanded by US General W.E. DePuy. Operation Abilene had the aim of

“destroying the 94th [ie the 274th] VC Regiment, the 5th [ie the 275th] VC Regiment, and the attacking the VC’s Mây Tào Secret Zone.” In a “southern” phase of Operation Abilene, on

4 April 1966, two US battalions conducted a search-and-destroy operation north and north-east of the VC- controlled village of Long Tân (while an ARVN force searched the village) – and then moved

the villagers to Đất Đỏ, Long Điền and Hòa Long. 1RAR returned to Biên Hòa from Operation Abilene’s logistic base area at Bình Ba on 8 -9 April 1966 by – road and air, to prepare for Operation Denver in the Sông Bé area of Phước Long Province.

Soon after – on 11 April 1966, Charlie Company/2nd Battalion of the16th Regiment of the US 1st Infantry Division engaged a VC force that included the 800th Battalion (ie

1/274th VC Regiment) in north-eastern Phước Tuy – about 5 kilometres south of the Long Khánh/Phước Tuy border and about 8 kilometres east of Route 2. Initially unsupported by

other US companies, the 134-strong Charlie Company suffered 48 killed in action (KIA) and 58 wounded in action (WIA). Reportedly, the bodies of 41 VC were found on the

battlefield, and 100 -150 VC were assessed by MACV as having been killed or wounded in the battle. That engagement on 11 April 1966 is known as the Battle of Cẩm Mỹ in US

military records – and as the Battle of Tầm Bố in Vietnamese communist accounts.

 

A 33-page history of the fighting in Phước Tuy Province before the Australians arrived in the Province in May/June 1966 was published as Annex D in the 5RAR history “Vietnam Vanguard”

in 2020 (Ron Boxall & the late Robert O’Neill). https://press-files.anu.edu.au/downloads/press/n6124/html/appendix04.xhtml?referer=&page=31#  

1966 -About 17% Living Under VC Control in Phước Tuy 

According to the US 1st Infantry Division’s “after action” report following Operation Abilene in March-April 1966 in Phước Tuy and Long Khánh Provinces, of Phước Tuy and

Vũng Tàu’s population of 138,000 (Phước Tuy – 100,000; Vũng Tàu – 38,000): 87,000 lived in government-controlled areas; 22,000 in areas “undergoing pacification”; 12,000 in areas

considered “relatively free of VC”; and 17,000 were “living in VC-controlled areas”. A curfew was in effect between 10pm and 4am – but was “not rigidly enforced” and the “VC 

infrastructure was established down to village and hamlet level.” “Approximately 32% of the population is Pro-GVN, 12% Pro-VC, and 56% are neutral.” The VC had “a high degree

of control over the rural population and had little difficulty moving throughout the province.

 

The US 1st Infantry Division report summarised VC presence in Phước Tuy Province as: 4,900 personnel – including the 274th and 275th VC Regiments, two “Local Force” battalions

(860 Battalion [sic- ie D445 Battalion] – 500 strong; and 310th Battalion [sic] – 350 strong), one Local Force company (C-25), and five Local Force platoons.

 

 

Dutton Rejects Albanese’s Push for Australian Peacekeepers in Ukraine

Opposition Leader Peter Dutton has firmly rejected Prime Minister Anthony Albanese’s suggestion that Australia could send peacekeeping troops to Ukraine, arguing that the responsibility lies with Europe.

Albanese’s remarks, made without prior discussion, came after US President Donald Trump paused military aid to Ukraine, urging President Volodymyr Zelensky to negotiate with Russia. The suggestion marked a sharp shift from the government’s earlier stance dismissing the idea of Australian peacekeepers in Ukraine.

British Prime Minister Keir Starmer has called for an international coalition to enforce any ceasefire between Ukraine and Russia, with France backing the proposal. While Albanese signalled openness to Australia’s involvement, Dutton rejected the idea outright, emphasising that Europe should bear the responsibility for security on its own continent.

“I don’t support boots on the ground in Ukraine,” Dutton said in Brisbane. “The Europeans have that task, and what President Trump has pointed out is that Europe needs to do more in its own defence. That’s a statement of the obvious.”

Dutton reiterated Australia’s ongoing support through military aid and training rather than direct deployment. His position aligns with Defence Industry Minister Pat Conroy, who stated earlier that such a commitment was not being considered. A government spokesperson also confirmed there was no active proposal for an Australian peacekeeping force in Ukraine.

Trump’s decision to suspend military assistance is intended to push Ukraine toward negotiations, with White House officials stating that the pause allows for reassessment of aid contributions. Military analysts warn that a prolonged halt could weaken Ukraine’s defensive capabilities despite stockpiles from the Biden administration.

Following discussions with European leaders, Starmer declared Britain’s willingness to participate in a peacekeeping mission, potentially deploying troops and air support. However, Zelensky has previously insisted that any peacekeeping effort must include the US, as Europe alone lacks sufficient military strength.

With the situation evolving, Dutton’s stance reflects a pragmatic approach—supporting Ukraine while ensuring that Australia does not overextend its military commitments in a conflict where regional players must take the lead.

 

China’s Gunboat Diplomacy and Australia’s Defence Readiness

The passage of a three-ship naval task group off Australia’s east coast has been dismissed by some as a routine operation in international waters, a stance echoed by Chinese officials who accuse Australian politicians of “deliberately hyping” the issue. However, this event highlights broader concerns regarding Australia’s defence preparedness.

Many commentators have pointed to Australia’s naval shipbuilding shortcomings, citing generations of failure to meet necessary production numbers. The current shipbuilding program will not take effect until the 2030s, leaving a concerning capability gap. Yet, a more pressing question arises: what if the Chinese navy did enter Australian waters, or worse, sought to interfere with air and maritime movements by declaring an air defence identification zone, as they frequently do around Taiwan? Could Australia respond effectively?

The answer lies in the core principles of Australian defence policy in 2025. Military strategy is built on three pillars: ends, ways, and means. The 2024 National Defence Strategy outlines deterrence as a key objective, relying on diplomacy, economic strength, and military power. To support this, Australia must have an operational plan to deny open access to its waters, including a rapidly deployable maritime task group comprising frigates, submarines, and supply ships, alongside air power from the Royal Australian Air Force.

However, the critical issue remains the means. Australia’s defence capabilities will not fully materialise until the next decade, creating a shortfall in military readiness. While plans for new ships, submarines, and long-range missiles are crucial beyond 2030, the immediate need for an effective deterrence strategy remains.

One potential interim solution lies with the Australian Army. A rapid acquisition of land-based anti-ship missile systems could provide a credible deterrent against hostile naval incursions. Similar to Ukraine’s success in countering the Russian Black Sea Fleet, land-based strike capabilities could enhance Australia’s ability to protect its waters before new naval assets become operational.

The recent presence of a Chinese naval task group near Australian waters underscores the urgency of implementing an effective military strategy today, not years from now. Australia must address its defence vulnerabilities with immediate and pragmatic solutions to ensure national security in an increasingly contested Indo-Pacific region.