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The origins of Vietnam’s underground tunnel network remain somewhat unclear, but they likely began during the Japanese occupation in World War II (1942-1945). Initially constructed as hiding places and escape routes, these tunnels expanded significantly during the French War (1946-1954). Viet Minh fighters and villagers alike used them for survival hiding from raids, storing rice, and evading starvation caused by foraging soldiers from both sides.

The stakes escalated in the early 1960s with the arrival of the U.S. Army. Facing overwhelming firepower from aerial bombings and artillery strikes, the North Vietnamese Army (NVA) and Viet Cong (VC) embraced tunnelling as a critical survival tactic. What began as a defensive strategy evolved into a formidable offensive system. These tunnels became subterranean military hubs housing barracks, hospitals, workshops, storage facilities, and even training rooms.

This underground infrastructure was vast and sophisticated, with ventilation shafts, escape routes, and booby-trapped sections to deter intruders. The tunnels also featured ambush points and defensive measures to neutralize enemies, including gas-proof sumps. Navigating these dark, confined spaces posed extreme risks for those attempting to infiltrate them.

The Australians, specifically the Tunnel Rats of the Royal Australian Engineers, became an integral part of the war effort. These soldiers, drawn from units like 3 Field Troop and 1 Field Squadron, were tasked with clearing and destroying enemy bunker systems and tunnels. Their work was perilous, requiring exceptional courage and adaptability.

In January 1965, during Operation Crimp in the Ho Bo Woods part of the infamous Iron Triangle 3 Field Troop faced their baptism of fire. Initially deployed for standard engineering tasks like road clearing and de-mining, they were soon called to investigate enemy tunnel entrances. One such entrance proved deadly, with an enemy soldier killing two Australians and injuring two others. Despite having no prior training, volunteers entered the claustrophobic tunnels armed only with flashlights and bayonets.

Inside, they discovered an intelligence goldmine, marking the beginning of their unexpected and dangerous role as Tunnel Rats. However, the lack of experience quickly led to tragedy. On the fourth day, Corporal Bob Bowtell, a towering figure at 184 cm, suffocated in a narrow tunnel due to insufficient air circulation. His size blocked airflow, and rescuers narrowly avoided the same fate. Over the six-day operation, six sappers suffered asphyxiation, with one fatality and several injuries.

The Australians learned harsh lessons during these early missions. While the Vietnamese lived and worked in these tunnels for extended periods, the air became hazardous for outsiders due to residual tear gas and smoke from clearing operations. The “Mighty Mite” blower system introduced by the Australians required careful use to re-oxygenate tunnels before entry an essential step overlooked in their initial efforts.

Despite these setbacks, the Tunnel Rats persevered. Their determination was fuelled by a deep sense of duty and camaraderie. Each new tunnel system presented a deadly challenge, often requiring them to crawl through pitch-black, booby-trapped passages with the constant threat of ambush. Over time, they developed techniques and processes to navigate and clear tunnels more effectively.

As their expertise grew, the Tunnel Rats contributed significantly to intelligence-gathering efforts. However, their role extended far beyond tunnel clearance. They also defused mines and booby traps, cleared paths through suspected minefields, and performed regular engineering duties like repairing roads and bridges. Their versatility and bravery underpinned the broader success of Australian forces in Vietnam.

By the time 3 Field Troop returned to Nui Dat to help establish the 1st Australian Task Force base, their efforts had proven invaluable. However, the high casualty rate among Tunnel Rats highlighted the inherent dangers of their role. Of the 35 Australian sappers killed in Vietnam, most were victims of mines rather than tunnel combat. Their unit suffered a staggering 36% casualty rate, underscoring the extreme risks they faced.

Recognition for their bravery was limited, with only five Military Medals and one Military Cross awarded between 1965 and 1971. This under-recognition reflects more on the “rationing” of awards than the magnitude of their contributions.

The Tunnel Rats’ legacy is one of extraordinary courage and resilience. As Sapper Bob O’Connor poignantly remarked in 1968:

“No one is going to force you to do this kind of stuff… But if you decide to stay, you’ve got to believe, and I mean really believe, that you’re already dead. Tunnel Rat casualty rates are ridiculously high… Once you accept you’re a dead man walking, the job gets much easier. It even becomes a challenge.”

Few soldiers embodied the Australian spirit of tenacity, humour, and bravery like the Tunnel Rats. Their unyielding resolve in the face of unimaginable danger stands as a testament to their character and commitment. For those unsuited to confined spaces or one-on-one combat in complete darkness, this role was a nightmare. But for those who took it on, it was a chance to redefine what it meant to serve.

Australia participated in the Vietnam War on the anti-communist side alongside South Vietnam, the USA and South Korea. Approximately 61,000 Australian military personnel participated in the war. 521 Australians died and approximately 3,000 were wounded. Rest in Peace.

Defence demonstrated its commitment to First Nations peoples with the unveiling of dual base names on Wiradjuri country at RAAF Base Wagga and Blamey Barracks, Kapooka, as part of a dual naming pilot program.

Wiradjuri traditional owners provided Wiradjuri language names for RAAF Base Wagga, ‘Yalbiligi Ngurang’ (pronounced ‘Yal-bili-gi Ner-rung’) and ‘Gabuga’ (pronounced ‘Gah-buh-gah’) for Blamey Barracks. 

The names and traditional artwork on new signage were unveiled during a ceremony at the entrances of both bases on November 22. 

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Dual Indigenous names for Defence bases unveiled | Defence

The Juru people of the Burdekin, Qld, have made the significant decision to ban Welcome to Country ceremonies on their ancestral lands, citing concerns over the commercialization and perceived loss of meaning behind the practice. The move, supported by community members and local leaders, reflects a desire to restore authenticity and unity to their cultural traditions.

The decision, made by Juru elders during a meeting on Thursday night, was driven by discomfort with how the ceremonies have been exploited by individuals without ancestral ties to the Burdekin. Spokesperson Randall Ross explained that the elders had grown weary of the practice being turned into a profit-driven venture.

“The elders have had enough,” Ross stated on 4BC Mornings with Bill McDonald. “It is being abused, and they want to put a stop to it.”

While the Juru remain steadfast in their commitment to protecting their land and heritage, they have drawn a clear line against practices that they feel undermine the sacred nature of their traditions.

Burdekin Mayor Pierina Dalle Cort welcomed the decision, emphasizing the importance of unity and collaboration within the community.

“I’m happy to work with the traditional owners,” she said. “We’re multicultural, we’re one country, and we’ve all got to learn to live and work together.”

Mayor Dalle Cort also acknowledged that the move resonated with many in the community, describing it as “an early Christmas present” to those who had grown frustrated with the divisive aspects of the ceremonies.

Prominent Indigenous leader Warren Mundine applauded the Juru people’s stance, criticizing how Welcome to Country ceremonies have, in some instances, devolved into a platform for political statements or commercial gain.

“They’re meant to be a welcome, but some people are charging exorbitant fees or making political speeches instead,” Mundine said. “This is causing anger and division, especially when the ceremonies are performed by individuals who have no genuine connection to the land.”

The decision by the Juru people underscores the importance of respecting Indigenous culture without allowing it to be misused or commodified. By taking this stand, the Juru elders hope to protect the integrity of their traditions and foster a sense of shared understanding and cooperation among all Australians.

Their decision sends a powerful message: cultural practices should honour their original purpose and meaning rather than being co-opted for personal or commercial gain. In doing so, the Juru people aim to inspire a more unified and respectful approach to Australia’s diverse heritage.

The Krakow Post

The rapid and unforeseen collapse of Damascus to Sunni opposition forces marks a significant milestone in the tumultuous history of the Middle East. Bashar al-Assad’s regime, which had endured over a decade of uprisings, civil war, and international sanctions since 2011, fell with astonishing speed. This event, characterized by minimal resistance, has left regional powers grappling with the implications of a fragmented Syria and the reshaped power dynamics in the region.

The Fragmentation of Syria

The fall of Assad’s government has left Syria divided among three dominant factions, each supported by different external actors:

1. Syrian Opposition Forces:
   • Led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham and supported by Turkey, these factions control central Syria, spanning from the northern border with Turkey to the southern border with Jordan.
   • Despite their shared Sunni identity, internal divisions persist, complicating prospects for unity and governance.
   • Their ranks include a diverse array of groups, from former jihadists to secular elements like the Syrian National Army, which defected from Assad’s forces.
2. Kurdish Forces:
   • Dominating northeastern Syria, these groups receive military and logistical support from the United States, which maintains a presence in the region.
   • This has heightened tensions with Turkey, which perceives Kurdish autonomy as a direct threat to its territorial integrity.
3. Alawite Forces:
   • Concentrated in western Syria’s coastal regions, these pro-Assad factions retain close ties with Iran, Iraq, and Hezbollah.
   • Their stronghold may become a base for continued sectarian conflict, further entrenching divisions.

The absence of a central authority and the competing interests of these groups point toward a prolonged period of instability in Syria.

Regional Implications

The fall of Assad’s regime has reshaped alliances and rivalries in the Middle East:

• Turkey:
  With its opposition allies’ victory, Turkey is poised to expand its influence, deepening its involvement in Syria’s political and military landscape. However, this could escalate tensions with Kurdish forces and strain Turkey’s resources.
• Israel:
  The collapse of the Assad regime weakens the “axis of resistance,” severing Iran’s supply lines to Hezbollah. This shift bolsters Israel’s strategic position and allows it to focus on countering Iran’s regional ambitions.
• Iran:
  Assad’s fall deals a significant blow to Iran’s regional proxy network, compounding recent losses suffered by its allies, Hamas and Hezbollah. This leaves Iran increasingly isolated and vulnerable.

The Road Ahead

The swift fall of Damascus underscores the volatility of the region and the complexities of navigating a post-Assad Syria. The fragmented state of the country, coupled with external rivalries, suggests that stability may remain elusive. Regional and global stakeholders now face the challenge of mitigating further conflict while addressing the humanitarian and political crises stemming from Syria’s collapse.

Earlier this year, the F-35 program office started procuring BriteCloud Digital Radio Frequency Memory (DRFM) jammers — a new countermeasure meant to confuse and disrupt inbound radar-guided missiles.

Australia is strengthening its defence strategy with the integration of the StrikeMaster missile system, developed in partnership with Kongsberg and Thales. The system, mounted on the Bushmaster vehicle, features the precision-guided Naval Strike Missile (NSM), capable of engaging both land and maritime targets at over 250 kilometres. The Australian Army aims to enhance its coastal defence capabilities in response to growing regional security threats, especially from China. The StrikeMaster, part of Project LAND 8113, offers a cost-effective alternative to the U.S. HIMARS system. This article explores Australia’s defence strategy, long-range strike systems, and the future of the NSM in enhancing military capabilities.

Photo: The StrikeMaster mounted on top of the domestically produced Bushmaster vehicle. (Supplied: Thales)

ABC News

The Coalition’s most ardent advocate for nuclear energy, Ted O’Brien, has seized his role as deputy chair of the House Select Committee on Nuclear Energy to challenge Australia’s prevailing energy narrative. This Labor-led inquiry into nuclear power—an area the federal government has long opposed—could inadvertently bolster the Coalition’s case for a reliable, long-term energy solution.

This week in Melbourne, the committee continued its hearings, aiming to probe the potential role of nuclear power in Australia’s energy future. But for all its intended scrutiny, the inquiry risks becoming a political misstep for Labor. By opening the door to serious discussions about nuclear energy, the government may have unintentionally given nuclear proponents a national platform to articulate the limitations of renewable energy systems reliant on wind and solar.

The committee features four Labor MPs, two Coalition members, including O’Brien, and one independent. The hearings, hosted in towns like Biloela, Traralgon, and Port Augusta—regions deeply tied to coal power—have been largely civil and informative. Regional mayors have described the sessions as balanced, with voices on both sides of the debate presenting their case.

Proponents argue that nuclear energy provides reliable, low-emissions, baseload power crucial for an industrialized nation like Australia. Opponents, meanwhile, criticize the Coalition’s plan as costly, slow to implement, and a distraction from renewables.

However, the hearings have revealed unexpected public sentiments. In Biloela, community frustrations were directed more at the sprawling wind and solar farms changing local landscapes than at nuclear energy itself. Such discontent could undermine Labor’s renewable energy agenda, highlighting a disconnect between national policy and regional priorities.

Labor’s strategy seems designed to expose perceived flaws in the Coalition’s nuclear ambitions. Yet, by facilitating these discussions, they have brought nuclear energy into mainstream political discourse, with the potential to shift public opinion. For some, the idea of replacing coal-fired power stations with nuclear plants holds appeal as a way to preserve jobs, ensure energy reliability, and maintain industrial activity.

Labor MP Graham Perrett, a member of the committee, expressed scepticism about nuclear energy’s feasibility and waste management. However, even he was struck by the polarized interpretations of the same evidence during hearings. This division reflects the broader debate about Australia’s energy future: should the country double down on renewables, or is it time to consider alternatives like nuclear power?

The inquiry underscores the complex and highly politicized nature of energy policy in Australia. While Labor’s renewable energy plans promise rapid deployment, critics argue they lack the reliability needed to sustain an industrial economy. The Coalition’s nuclear proposal, though untested and costly, offers a potential long-term solution to Australia’s energy reliability issues.

In towns where energy literacy is high, such as Traralgon and the La Trobe Valley, the promise of nuclear is being met with curiosity, not outright opposition. This opens a door for nuclear advocates to frame their proposal as a pragmatic response to the energy transition.

The nuclear energy inquiry has inadvertently amplified the Coalition’s case for sustained, reliable power. If Labor cannot convincingly address growing public concerns over the scalability and impact of renewables, they risk handing the Coalition a powerful narrative: that nuclear energy is the only viable alternative to coal for a prosperous, low-emissions future. In this high-stakes debate, Labor’s inquiry may prove to be its own political “own goal.”

Australia’s Underwater Marvel –  In a world where threats lurk beneath the Pacific…  Where naval supremacy is a silent, decisive force… One nation rises to the challenge! 🇦🇺 Introducing Ghost Shark – Australia’s cutting-edge UUV designed to safeguard the underwater realm! Dive into the capabilities of this technological marvel, a game-changer in maritime defence.

An Australian Army Veteran Has Told a Public Hearing into the New Queensland Government’s Proposed Youth Justice Laws She Felt Safer Serving Overseas than in Townsville

The Queensland town of Townsville has found itself at the epicentre of a heated debate over youth crime and justice, with residents expressing a mix of hope, frustration, and concern over proposed reforms aimed at tackling the issue.

Jillian Joyce, a sports business owner and Australian Army veteran, delivered a powerful testimony during a public hearing in the city. Joyce, who served in the Solomon Islands after the riots, painted a stark picture of the challenges facing her hometown.

“I felt safer on that deployment than I do at night in my own home,” she said, recounting an August incident in which four young offenders broke into her home and stole her work car. “That speaks a lot about the impact these repeat offenders are having on our community.”

Her story resonated with others in attendance, highlighting a growing public fear over youth crime in regional Queensland.

Proposed Reforms

The newly-elected LNP government, led by David Crisafulli, has pledged to introduce sweeping youth justice reforms by Christmas. The proposed laws would amend existing legislation, including the Children’s Court Act 1992, the Criminal Code, and the Youth Justice Act 1992. Key changes include:

• Mandatory minimum and maximum penalties for serious offences such as murder.
• Removal of the principle that detention should be a last resort.
• Introduction of the “adult crime, adult time” policy, resonating with voters who demand stricter accountability for young offenders.

Marty Hunt, Chair of the Justice, Integrity and Community Safety Committee, described regional Queensland as “ground-zero of the youth crime crisis,” underscoring the urgency of legislative action.

Divided Opinions

While many residents expressed support for the reforms, concerns were raised about potential unintended consequences.

Indigenous advocates Lee-Toya Sirriss and Alfred Smallwood Jr emphasized the need for holistic approaches to rehabilitation. Sirriss pointed to a lack of discipline in homes and called for comprehensive on-country programs to address underlying issues.

Smallwood questioned whether harsher penalties alone would deter crime. “As it is, when people go in and out of detention, all they do is meet up with their peer groups,” he said.

Prominent local barrister Harvey Walters acknowledged the tough stance of the new laws but highlighted a potential anomaly: juvenile offenders could face stricter sentencing than adults for certain crimes. “That is something that needs to be tweaked within the legislation,” Walters said.

Community in Crisis

The urgency of the issue is underscored by a recent surge in crime across Townsville. In a single week, the city saw multiple businesses targeted in ram-raids and break-ins, including an e-scooter shop that was hit twice in six days.

Joyce’s testimony captured the broader frustration of many residents: “I do believe we should help those offenders who are able to be helped to make better choices, but there are some offenders that need some significant consequences.”

As Townsville grapples with its youth crime crisis, the proposed laws aim to strike a delicate balance between accountability and rehabilitation. Whether these reforms will succeed remains to be seen, but for many in the city, they represent a much-needed step toward restoring safety and confidence in the community.