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In a significant move, Defence Minister Richard Marles has revoked the distinguished service medals of several current and former Australian Defence Force officers, linked to alleged war crimes committed under their command during the Afghanistan conflict.

Marles confirmed the potential for criminal prosecutions remains for personnel accused of war crimes, though the process is expected to take many years. Due to privacy concerns, the government has not disclosed the exact number of individuals affected, only confirming that fewer than ten officers have had their honours withdrawn.

Fewer than 15 commanders received letters informing them of the review’s outcomes, implying that some previously warned about losing their honours may retain them. Notably, former Chief of Defence Force General Angus Campbell, who earned a Distinguished Service Cross for his role as commander of Australian forces in the Middle East, is not among those to lose their awards.

This decision targets commanders responsible for oversight during Australia’s involvement in Afghanistan, rather than directly accusing or investigating the troops involved. Marles emphasized that his decisions align with the findings and recommendations of the Brereton Report, a landmark inquiry into alleged war crimes by Australian special forces in Afghanistan.

The government recently finalized its response to 139 of the 143 recommendations from the Brereton Report, which was published in 2020. The inquiry suggested that 19 soldiers should be investigated for the murder of 39 prisoners and civilians and the mistreatment of two others. This came after former Defence Minister Peter Dutton overturned a previous decision to strip over 3,000 Australian personnel of their meritorious unit citations for their service in Afghanistan.

Marles acknowledged the gravity of the situation, calling it a “national shame,” but highlighted that Australia’s commitment to accountability was clear through its response to the Brereton Report. He praised the bravery of Defence personnel who came forward with testimony during the inquiry, stating that their courage was essential to addressing past wrongs.

Shadow Defence Minister Andrew Hastie, a former Special Air Service (SAS) commander, acknowledged the emotional toll of the inquiry but emphasized the need for transparency. He stressed that while Australian soldiers have shown great courage, they are also capable of serious wrongdoing, which is why the Brereton Report was crucial. However, Hastie criticized the inquiry for not holding higher-ranking officers accountable, asserting that failures in moral leadership extended all the way to Canberra.

The government’s decision to reveal these details was carefully timed, coming shortly after the release of the final report from the Royal Commission into Defence and Veterans Suicide. However, Marles said it was important to address the findings of the Brereton Report promptly.

The Brereton inquiry highlighted the moral responsibility borne by commanders, stating that just as they are credited with a unit’s successes, they must also be held accountable for its failures. Former Justice Paul Brereton, who led the inquiry, found no evidence that higher-ranking officers knew of or failed to prevent the alleged war crimes. However, he concluded that troop, squadron, and task group commanders bear moral responsibility for the actions committed under their leadership.

While prosecutions for the alleged war crimes are still being considered, Marles reiterated that any legal proceedings would take years to conclude. These cases are being handled by the Office of the Special Investigator (OSI), which was established to deal with the legacy of the alleged misconduct.

Marles also confirmed that any prosecutions would take place in Australian courts, emphasizing the global significance of the accountability process led by the Brereton inquiry. Additionally, the government has established a compensation process for victims of alleged Australian misconduct, allowing individuals and families harmed by Australian troops to seek financial redress.

Live Science – By Victoria Atkinson – Full article

Antarctica, the coldest continent, is today covered by a massive ice sheet that is several miles thick, but it hasn’t always been this way. For most of its history, Antarctica was ice-free. So, when exactly did this icy transformation begin?

Antarctica, a landmass nearly four times the size of the United States, experienced dramatic climate shifts over millions of years. Paleoclimatologists estimate that the last time Antarctica was ice-free was about 34 million years ago, during a time called the Eocene-Oligocene boundary. Before this period, the continent resembled something more akin to northern Canada, with tundra landscapes and coniferous forests rather than the frozen desert it is today.

The formation of Antarctica’s ice sheets was triggered by a global cooling event. Around 50 million years ago, the Earth was significantly warmer — approximately 25°F (14°C) higher than today’s average temperatures. This warmth allowed for rich ecosystems to thrive across the globe. However, over the next 16 million years, temperatures began to fall steadily. By the time we reached the Eocene-Oligocene boundary, the global climate was still about 8°C (14.4°F) warmer than today but cooling enough to initiate the massive ice sheet formation we now associate with Antarctica.

Two primary factors contributed to this temperature drop. First, there was a notable reduction in atmospheric carbon dioxide (CO2) levels, a key greenhouse gas. CO2 plays an essential role in maintaining Earth’s temperature and supporting life by trapping heat. As CO2 levels decreased, the planet’s natural cooling mechanism was triggered, leading to colder global temperatures.

Second, the shifting of the Earth’s continents also played a critical role. The formation of the Drake Passage between South America and Antarctica allowed cold ocean currents to circulate more freely around the southern continent. This isolation of Antarctica from warmer oceanic influences further contributed to the cooling of the region and the formation of ice sheets.

CO2 has been vital for life on Earth for millions of years. Beyond its role in regulating temperature, it is a crucial component of the carbon cycle, which supports plant life through photosynthesis. As plants convert CO2 into oxygen, they provide the very air we breathe and the foundation of the global food chain. The delicate balance of CO2 levels ensures that Earth remains in a habitable temperature range.

The story of Antarctica’s frozen transformation underscores how fluctuations in carbon dioxide levels and geological changes can shape our planet’s climate over time. While it has been millions of years since the continent was last ice-free, studying this history offers insights into the dynamic nature of Earth’s climate systems.

In a significant achievement for Australian industry, Advanced Navigation has entered into an agreement with Korean defence giant Hanwha to provide cutting-edge inertial navigation systems for a variety of Hanwha’s military applications.

“We are thrilled to announce our partnership with Hanwha Australia, where we will supply inertial navigation systems for their Redback vehicles under the Land 400 program,” said Chris Shaw, CEO of Advanced Navigation, in an announcement to Breaking Defence. The deal, valued at AUD $8.7 million (USD $5.8 million), is seen as a substantial boost to Australia’s efforts to build sovereign defence capabilities.

The Redback, an infantry fighting vehicle designed to replace Australia’s outdated M113 fleet, is part of a broader AUD $5-7 billion (USD $3.38 billion) contract that Hanwha won in July 2023. In addition to this deal, Advanced Navigation’s precision guidance technology may soon be deployed across Hanwha’s global platforms, potentially increasing the Australian firm’s business by as much as 400%. However, no immediate contract has been confirmed for the broader agreement.

Advanced Navigation specializes in fibre-optic inertial guidance systems enhanced by artificial intelligence, delivering high-accuracy navigation even in environments where GPS signals are jammed or spoofed. This capability has become critical, particularly in light of recent conflicts like the war in Ukraine, where electronic warfare has rendered traditional precision-guided munitions less effective. For example, Ukraine has seen a sharp decline in the effectiveness of Excalibur artillery, a Western precision munition, with reports suggesting its success rate fell below 10%, despite its hefty cost of $160,000 per unit.

Shaw also indicated that Advanced Navigation’s systems are currently in use by Ukrainian forces, though he did not disclose specific details.

Mike Smith, CEO of Hanwha Defence US, underscored the significance of this collaboration: “Navigation warfare has become one of the most potent means to level the playing field on the battlefield. It has the potential to be one of the most far-reaching non-lethal effects in modern military history.”

The partnership between Advanced Navigation and Hanwha includes plans to co-develop advanced inertial navigation systems for autonomous, airborne, and crewed platforms across both land and air domains. The deal also opens the door for co-production opportunities in any market where Hanwha’s defence units operate, signalling a potentially global reach for this new collaboration.

Defence Connect – Stephen Kuper

One of Australia’s most famous generals and former governor-general, Sir Peter Cosgrove, AK, CVO, MC has issued a pointed warning for Australia’s policymakers and public alike: prepare for a more dangerous world.

It is an indisputable reality that much of the peace, prosperity, and stability of the post-Second World War paradigm came as a direct result of the US-led “rules-based global order” or some variation of that term.

By putting an end to the often-ancient rivalries between competing imperial powers, the United States, through its post-war economic and strategic might, coupled with immense political capital, guaranteed the freedom of the seas and promoted an explosion of free trade across the globe, paving the way for the modern, interconnected global economy and period of innovation we enjoy today.

Through this might, both conventional and strategic arsenal, the United States established what has become known as a “strategic umbrella”, where for greater input into their ally’s security policy and easier access to their markets, the United States would agree to do larger parts of the heavy lifting on the global geostrategic stage.

Australia, the United Kingdom, Canada, Western Europe, and parts of Asia were the major beneficiaries of this new “globalised world” and the radically new approach to global power relations which would be ironed out at the Bretton Woods Conference and the formation of multilateral organs like the United Nations, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund.

Fast forward to today and the world we face is vastly different to that of the post-Second World War era, with the bipolar dominance of the global ecosystem by the United States and Soviet Union having been replaced by an increasingly competitive, contested and dangerous world.

This is spearheaded by the rise of the People’s Republic of China and resurgence of Russia, supported by the emergence of India, Brazil, Indonesia, Vietnam, South Korea and a host of other nations that will meet the criteria of a great or superpower over the coming decades, stretching the capacity and willingness of the United States to maintain its post-war world order.

In the Australian context, this predicament presents a significant challenge as the nation grapples with the reality of a multipolar world and the implications of a global environment where its “great and powerful friend” and primary strategic benefactor in the United States is no longer unopposed, placing increased emphasis on our own capacity to protect and promote our national interests.

Bringing us to commentary made by former governor-general, Chief of Defence and one of Australia’s most decorated generals, Sir Peter Cosgrove AK, CVO, MC in The Weekend Australian, in which he issued a poignant and timely reminder for the nation’s policymakers and public: prepare to face a more hostile world.

Adapt or perish

Australia has long benefited from the geographic isolation from many of the great conflagrations throughout the 19th and 20th century, respectively, with this isolation becoming known as the “tyranny of distance”.

For many Australians, this “tyranny of distance” is often cause for anger and distaste as we are forced to grapple with higher prices to travel, higher prices for imported consumer goods and a myriad of other largely financial impacts.

However, for much of the preceding two centuries, this has served as our protective cocoon, shielding us in larger part from the dangers of a multipolar world. Today, however, in a globalised world, we face not only a multipolar world but also a multipolar region with multiple competing centres of economic, political and strategic weight close to home.

Highlighting this, Sir Peter Cosgrove explained to The Australian’s Cameron Stewart, “We are more obliged to consider our national defence than we have been for very many years … We need to be more observant of our own vulnerability and the fact that the benign and remote nature of this part of the world is not as benign and not nearly as ­remote.”

While the government has, over the past two years, sought to respond to the scenario presented by General Cosgrove, mainly through the release of the policy documents like the 2023 Defence Strategic Review, the 2024 National Defence Strategy and supporting Integrated Investment Program and, of course, the Independent Analysis into Navy’s Surface Combatant Fleet, this ominous warning requires greater consideration and acceptance by Australia’s policymaking community and corresponding response.

Highlighting the need for greater Australian investment in manpower, materiel and critical defence resources, General Cosgrove added, “We are not able, at the moment, to recruit and retain enough of our brilliant people. We need to keep them and recruit others. So the manpower aspect has to be addressed … Then we need very modern technologies. A lot of the stuff that we had (has) rapidly fallen into obsolescence and (other powers are) fielding new and very potent capabilities in the region, like hyper velocity missiles and an enormous jump in cyber capabilities.”

Final thoughts

Australia, as a nation, is defined by its economic, political, and strategic relationships with the Indo-Pacific and the access to the growing economies and strategic sea lines of communication supporting over 90 per cent of global trade, so the success, stability, and prosperity of this region is intrinsically linked to our own.

Despite the nation’s virtually unrivalled wealth of natural resources, agricultural and industrial potential, there is a lack of a cohesive national strategy and ambition integrating the development of individual, yet complementary public policy strategies to support a more robust and ambitious Australian role in the region.

Regardless of whether we are in a “pre-war” or traditional “Cold War” environment, it is clear that successive generations of Australian leaders have let the country down, too entranced and seduced by the promise of “Peace Dividends” and the “End of History” to recognise the cold reality of the world, particularly developing concurrently with the “Clash of Civilisations” during the Global War on Terror.

Accordingly, shifting the public discussion and debate away from the default Australian position of “It is all a little too difficult, so let’s not bother” will provide unprecedented economic, diplomatic, political and strategic opportunities for the nation.

Something to ponder

The Soviet Union’s Kirov-class guided-missile cruisers, launched in the late 1970s, were among the largest non-aircraft carrier warships built since World War II.

Often described as battlecruisers, these nuclear-powered ships were designed for anti-submarine and anti-ship roles, primarily armed with the P-700 Granit missiles.

Of the original four Kirov-class vessels, only Admiral Nakhimov is undergoing modernization, while the others have been retired.

The Admiral Nakhimov is expected to be equipped with advanced weapons like the Zicron hypersonic missile, though scepticism surrounds Russia’s claims of these systems’ capabilities.

Good morning Ray,

I’ve attached a short item for your consideration – titled: “Vietnam War: Tensions, Divisiveness, Discord, ‘Disunion’ and Friction among the VC – and with the NVA in the South”.

It’s an “extract” from a longer 28-page paper for “Canberra +” that I also included as an Annex in my 2022 book on “The Viet Cong 275^th VC Regiment (To the Battle of Long Tan and After …)” – 220,500-words.

At the conclusion of the short attached item, I’ve offered interested readers complimentary copies of the 28-page paper on “Tensions” that includes some photographs and illustrations.

Best wishes, Ernie Chamberlain

Vietnam War: Tensions, Divisiveness, Discord, “Disunion” and Friction 

among the VC – and with the NVA in the South 

At the weekly intelligence conference in Saigon on 20 September 1969, General C.W.

Abrams (COMUSMACV) remarked: ‘Christ, you can’t get them ((the NVA and VC))

together at a free beer party, really.’

A US/South Vietnamese propaganda leaflet – depicting communist fratricide and Chinese

Control of NVA/VC

“The Northerners – who have had considerable infusion of Chinese blood, are noted for their

aggressiveness, energy and sense of superiority toward the Southerners whom they regard as

indolent and inefficient. In the South, the climate is more tropical, there is more rich soil and

less population congestion.”

“The VC enjoy eating some vegetables raw while the NVA troops wanted them boiled.”

“… dietary differences eg; Southerners did not eat dog meat – a Northern taste”.

“In Phuoc Tuy especially – regroupees ((ie: southerners who had trained in the North)) and

northerners had assumed most of the principal command positions ((in communist forces)).”

“… female SVN cadres and the Vietnamese residents in Cambodia usually like to make

friends with NVN-born cadres and soldiers. Due to this reason, SVN-born cadres and soldiers

search for means to calumniate ((ie to make false or defamatory statements)) against their

opponents.”

An Overview 

During the Vietnam War, the US and the Republic of Vietnam (i.e. South Vietnam) actively highlighted the presence of North Vietnamese Army (NVA) troops fighting in the South. However, despite being aware of tensions and divisions between the Viet Cong and the NVA in late 1965 – evidenced in intelligence reporting including captured communist reports and directives, the US and Saigon were “initially more cautious and circumspect in exploiting any divisiveness among the communists in South Vietnam.” However, six months later, US “guidance” was more aggressive – in its assessments of “Contradictions and Cleavages – Northerner Versus Southerner.” However, throughout most of the War, the US and Saigon were wary and reticent to actively exploit divisions between the VC and NVA in the South – noting: “A national campaign seeking to play on sectional prejudices are not in our long-range interests and would run counter to the present National Reconciliation Program of the Government of Vietnam.” However – from 1969, the US and Saigon Government did, at times, seek to exploit differences and tensions between Northern and Southern communists.

A complimentary 28-page illustrated Research Note on this topic, is available from Ernie Chamberlain –  [email protected]  . Issues addressed include: Southern-born ‘Regroupees’ in the North returning to the South – and Tensions; The ‘Chinese Card’; Tensions Between Northerners and Southerners; Exploiting Tensions and Differences; NVA/VC Cooperation in Ph??c Tuy – June 1969: Attacks on Bình Ba and Hòa Long; Post-War Tensions; and Measures to Prevent Disunion.

Ernie Chamberlain – September 2024

¹ The complete 28-page/12,800-word Research Note 7/7A was passed in mid-2021 to the Australian War 

Memorial – Canberra, Australian Army History Unit – Canberra, NZ Defence – Wellington, AAMIM – 

Canungra, NVVM – Phillip Island, ADFA/UNSW Military Operations Analysis Team – Canberra, and US 

MACCORDS Team 89 (Vietnam veterans). The Note is also incorporated as Annex N in the book -Chamberlain 

E.P., The Viet Cong 275^th Regiment (To the Battle of Long Tan, and After …), 2022. 

Author Unknown

When the history of the decline and fall of the great nation that was Australia is written, how will scholars trace its downward spiral?
Will they tag that point at which a vast percentage of the workforce became so lazy and ill-disciplined that it could no longer entertain the thought of travelling to the workplace and demanded to work from home?
Get up, shower, get dressed and walk to the bus stop? You must be joking.
Employers, led by governments, buckled to their demands and what was a Covid-convenience became regarded as an absolute right.
Lifestyle, the historians will note, became the worker’s mantra which superseded diligence and dedication with heavy penalties imposed on those bosses who dared contact an employee one minute after their official clock-off time.
“More money, less work” they chanted as they logged off and stretched back on the couch.
“More money, less work” said the unions and the government said “No worries, comrades” as productivity slipped lower and then lower again.
Maybe they will chart it as beginning at that time when people became so lazy that they could no longer be bothered to prepare meals and instead headed for the nearest takeaway outlet and then, tiring of the effort involved in so doing, picked up their phones and had their calorie-laden meals delivered to their doors.
More food, less effort they sighed, sinking once more onto the couch, and the nation got fatter and fatter and fatter.
Perhaps the historians will chart this decline from the moment that a prime minister embraced lying as a virtue and the masses, in exchange for a handful of silver, nodded dumbly and pocketed the proffered coins.
Others might wonder if the moral rot took hold when governments failed to act against the murderous, anti-Semitic outpourings from some Muslim clerics, fearful that if it did it might cost it votes in those electorates with a high proportion of Muslims.
Most people, either ignorant or too self-obsessed to care, shrugged at these outrages and went back to moaning about the price of petrol and groceries.
Holocaust? That’s history, mate. Nothing to do with me.
It was when mobs roamed the streets, others might suggest, assaulting and robbing the innocent while the system supposed to deliver justice and protect them smiled and said: “They’re juveniles. They know not what they do. Release them” that the once great society began to crumble.
It was the concept of two Australians, other historians might argue, that divided and weakened the nation’s underpinnings for a nation divided cannot but fall.
As they trawl through the archives, they will find that the country became split between the Indigenous and the non-Indigenous, the former demanding special treatment and the latter sensing this went against the principles of democracy.
These historians will pore over the results of the Voice referendum and wonder why, when the people had made their wishes clear, the demands for two classes of Australians to exist continued and with them demands for money and land.
The governments folded and gave away more money and signed away vast tracts of the country, and the people’s discontent smouldered and their resentment grew.
Scholars might also note that the nation began its decline at the same time that the churches began to empty and the sports stadiums filled as sport became the new religion.
Grateful for this distraction from the reality of economic decline, politicians built bigger and better stadiums and states outbid each other for the right to hold games, premiers and prime ministers sitting in the grandstands like latter-day emperors as the gladiators took to the field and the crowd roared as the country grew poorer and poorer.
Scholars wondering why, as the wheels of industry began to slow, the government did nothing to avert the looming crisis may find the answer in the cries of the people who demanded more handouts and more subsidies.
So the government gave them more money and they smiled and settled once more back on the couch. “More money, less work” they sighed.
The scholars will also find images of the giant windmills that began to cover the landscape as power stations closed and the country’s leaders held hands and cried “net zero, net zero” and as they did, the lights went out for the last time and darkness enveloped the land and the great country that was once Australia was no more.

In conclusion.
We are now in a generational mix of elites (and wealthy offspring) with so much wealth, a majority of the struggling middle class being restrained and punished at every corner, and a breed of new laziness that expects and demands rights which are not possible or financially feasible, all at the same time our installed Politicians (and of course many of us comfortable “baby boomers”) just sit back and almost blindly acquiesce to most of the scenarios happening around us.
With a struggle currently underway for world control happening and the globalist elite Bankers (aka Rothschilds etc, etc) and big player corporations (Blackrock, Vanguard etc) and other industrialists favouring eugenics, chaos, pandemics and division to create a one-world control plan via the WEF and WHO. The world is in turmoil and rapid decline, to say the least!
Control the Media and you control the Propaganda. Control the Propaganda and you control the Narrative. Once you have that, you can control the Population, and they are certainly trying to do that!
Natural change is good, refreshing and inevitable, but controlled change, and with nefarious intent.

Australia First Blog

Australia faces significant vulnerabilities in three critical areas during wartime: energy and fuel, pharmaceuticals, and smart devices. These are essential for daily life and national stability, yet the country lacks the domestic production capacity to withstand major supply chain disruptions.

Fuel and Energy Security

As a member of the International Energy Agency, Australia is supposed to hold a 90-day supply of refined fuel. However, the country has struggled to meet this obligation. Domestic refining capacity has decreased, and there are insufficient storage facilities. Recent estimates suggest Australia would only have fuel for days or weeks if supply lines were cut, leading to widespread shortages, impacting supermarkets, air travel, and non-essential businesses.

Even a short-term disruption to fuel supply could have severe consequences, highlighting the country’s lack of preparedness.

Pharmaceutical Dependence

Australia imports around 90% of its pharmaceuticals, with China being a primary supplier. In the event of conflict, especially between China and the U.S., access to medicines would be jeopardized. While Australia has the expertise to produce pharmaceuticals domestically, ramping up production would take time, potentially causing panic and harming public welfare.

Reliance on Smart Devices

Australia also depends heavily on imports for digital devices and components, particularly from China. While shortages of these goods may not be life-threatening, the impact on industrial systems, such as food processing and water treatment, could be significant. Australia currently lacks the capacity to recycle or salvage key electronic components, making it vulnerable to prolonged disruptions in this sector.

Adaptability of Maritime Supply Lines

Australia’s maritime supply routes are flexible, as demonstrated during the COVID-19 pandemic when global shipping adjusted to disruptions. However, a war, particularly in the South China Sea, would present a greater challenge. To address this, Australia must prepare for the period between the outbreak of conflict and the restoration of international trade.

A “First 90 Days” Plan

To mitigate these risks, Australia should implement a “first 90 days” national mobilisation plan. This plan would focus on boosting domestic stockpiles and manufacturing capacity for fuel, pharmaceuticals, and smart devices. Additionally, diversifying suppliers away from China would strengthen Australia’s resilience.

Involving Industry in Planning

It is crucial for the government to collaborate with industry leaders to develop comprehensive crisis planning. Transparency about national preparedness will boost market confidence, rather than cause alarm. Additionally, diversifying supply chains should not be seen as a provocation but rather as a necessary step to safeguard the country, following China’s own example of onshoring critical resources.

In conclusion, a well-developed “first 90 days” policy would enhance Australia’s ability to endure a conflict, while deterring adversaries by demonstrating readiness and resilience.

The Australian Defence Force Academy has “failed miserably” and needs to be “shut down immediately”, says Jacqui Lambie Network Senator Jacqui Lambie. Ms Lambie’s comments come as the Royal Commission into Defence and Veteran Suicide’s final report is set to be handed to Governor-General Sam Mostyn on Monday. “If you want to fix the culture of leadership in defence, I suggest today you make a decision as a government to shut down the Australian Defence Force Academy – shut it down,” Ms Lambie told Sky News Australia. “We’re only getting all the little rich kids there with no life experience and they’re the ones that end up in charge in the long run and that’s becoming a real problem. “How they have not picked this up is beyond me.”