Updated Tue, 2 April 2024 at 1:50 pm AEDT·2-min read
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Electric vehicle owners had to contend with longer than usual waiting times over the Easter weekend when charging stations were in high demand as Aussies hit the road to take advantage of the long break.
April 25 was officially named ‘Anzac Day’ by Acting Prime Minister, Alexander Pearce in 1916.
The day was to be a commemoration of the Gallipoli landing and to honour those who had served in that campaign.
Each state planned a wide variety of ceremonies to mark the occasion which included church memorial services, public ceremonies, marches and dinners for returned soldiers. A public holiday was not declared, however New South Wales Premier William Holman requested ‘every man, woman and child [to] stand still” and for trains, trams and other vehicles to stop for one minute from noon on the day’.
RSA letterhead 8/4/1916. Anzac Day as a country-wide event appears to have been proposed by the Queensland State Government to Holman in NSW and other premiers and although 25 April 1916 fell on a Tuesday, the state governments decided it was inappropriate to declare it a public holiday. In fact, Victoria at first thought it premature to arrange a ‘special day’ in recognition of the Australian soldiers, in the perceived probability that the Australian Imperial Force would further “distinguish themselves” during the course of the war.
Tasmania initially felt it was inappropriate to appear to celebrate a campaign they believed ‘must for all time be regarded as a failure’ for the blameless Australian forces. In the end, individual states decided how and to what extent their commemorations were to be held. While NSW wanted to ‘commemorate the glorious landing of Australia’s sons at Anzac’ it also saw an opportunity to encourage recruitment and fundraising. The Returned Services Association (of which Premier Holman was president) also sought to use the commemoration to raise funds through the Anzac Day Fund, to build an Anzac Memorial Hall adorned with the names of the fallen, despite a promise made by the Premier not to allow collections on the day.
At the time it was believed that church services should be central to the day’s events. Premier Holman personally requested State- wide memorial services to recognise: ‘the glorious part played by Australian soldiers in their baptism of fire, the remembrance of the many graves in enemy territory and the presence amongst us of the sick and wounded heroes of the fight’.
On the first Anzac Day in Sydney, in 1916, 4,000 returned servicemen (essentially the number of members of the Returned Soldiers’ Association of New South Wales) marched or were driven in cars through the streets following the route: St Mary’s Cathedral Gates, Macquarie Street, Bridge Street, George Street, Liverpool Street, Elizabeth Street, St James Road, back to St Mary’s Cathedral Gates and then to the Domain where 50,000-60,000 people had gathered, despite an earlier shower.
As the crowd watched the Gallipoli veterans enter the Outer Domain, the gentle singing en masse of ‘Abide with Me’ followed by other stirring tunes, was remembered years later by then Chief Secretary, George Black as one of the most emotional moments of his life.
Prayers and scripture were delivered by Reverends William Parson and R Scott-West before Archbishop John Charles Wright delivered the principal address to the soldiers. The service was concluded with the playing of The Last Post and the National Anthem – God Save the King’.
The soldiers then marched to Town Hall for a luncheon and entertainment, where ‘not one vacant seat’ was to be found on the tables which covered the entire floor of the main hall.
The event was presided over by the Lord Mayor of Sydney and Premier Holman who closed the luncheon by asking the men ‘to drink the toast not only to the memory of the fallen, but to those who were determined to see victory crown their effort’. In keeping with this last point, the afternoon was dedicated to nine recruitment rallies across the city, before the Town Hall was host once more to an evening concert for the Gallipoli veterans.
This first commemoration in 1916 started a tradition that would become increasingly important and popular in the coming years to the people of NSW and Australia.
To support veterans living with hearing conditions, we provide assistive listening and hearing devices through the Rehabilitation Appliances Program (RAP).
The devices offered through the RAP program are designed to improve a veteran’s ability to hear in specific listening situations.
While standard smoke alarms are suitable for most people with a mild to moderate hearing impairment, people with severe hearing loss are unlikely to hear a standard smoke alarm.
For these veterans, DVA provides specialised smoke alarm packages that include a high quality smoke alarm, vibration pad, and flashing light. The addition of the vibration pad and flashing light improves the ability to respond quickly and independently during a potential emergency.
Veterans may be eligible to receive a specialised smoke alarm package through the RAP if they:
have been diagnosed with profound hearing loss in the better functioning ear, and
hold a Veteran Gold Card, or a Veteran White Card for a related accepted condition.
To get a specialised package, organise an appointment with your GP, audiologist, audiometrist, occupational therapist or hearing specialist.
The Albanese government’s latest antics reveal depths of incompetence. Despite reasoned arguments against rushing an EV plan, it appears the government is caving to the demands of the Greens, Teals, and Independents. Essentially, they’re holding the country hostage in exchange for extreme measures. This means the Greens et al. effectively control the government, with figures like Bowen and Albo merely puppets in their game.
The National Vehicle Emissions Strategy (NVES) is being pushed forward aggressively, aiming to catch up with global emissions reduction efforts within an unrealistic 5-year timeframe. This rush will likely cripple traditional car manufacturers while favouring newcomers like Chinese EV brands. Starting January 2025, heavy penalties will be imposed on conventional vehicles, while EV manufacturers receive hefty incentives.
The automotive industry is rightfully frustrated with the government’s deceitful tactics, supported by EV enthusiasts and climate activists. It seems the public interest is being sacrificed in this political game, with the only hope lying in the next election.
Bowen’s infamous statement about disagreeing with his policies and not voting for him seems eerily relevant now. Australia, responsible for less than 1% of global carbon emissions, is being saddled with a pioneering EV policy. Even the US finds 2030 too ambitious. Yet, Canberra persists in its delusions, expecting car manufacturers to immediately shift to producing Euro 6 EVs with stringent regulations for a market with minimal demand.
The disconnect from reality is stark. The government’s response to concerns about higher prices for traditional vehicles is laughable, suggesting buyers will simply switch to non-existent EV alternatives. The lack of infrastructure, high costs, and low resale values make this plan absurd, especially for rural communities.
This policy disaster will go down in history alongside other governmental blunders. If Labor fails to secure a majority and aligns with a left-leaning minority, Australia risks becoming a larger version of NZ. It’s a grim outlook indeed.
The war in Ukraine has featured the most intensive use of drones ever. While drones have been deployed in combat since Vietnam the quantity in operation now is a step change. Norman Hermant looks at a world-leading system designed in Australia that aims to counter the threat.
The Hanwha Group, a formidable industrial force in South Korea, has formally submitted an indicative offer to acquire Austal, a naval and commercial shipbuilder based in Western Australia, along with its global operations. This proposal is contingent upon thorough due diligence and approvals from the Foreign Investment Review Board (FIRB), which would empower Austal to tap into the expertise, capabilities, and business prospects associated with being part of Hanwha Group’s global network.
David Kim, the executive vice-president at Hanwha, underscored the company’s respect for the FIRB regulatory process while expressing confidence in obtaining approval for the transaction. He refuted claims that FIRB would reject Hanwha’s acquisition, stating, “There is no basis to suggest that FIRB would oppose Hanwha’s acquisition of the company.”
Hanwha dismissed recent media reports suggesting that the Australian government might block the sale of Austal due to its involvement in defence contracting, labelling such concerns as unfounded. With an already established presence in Australia, Hanwha envisions several benefits for Austal through this acquisition, asserting that its proposal aligns closely with the Australian government’s broader strategy to bolster the country’s defence industry and workforce.
Kim highlighted Hanwha’s prior success in securing FIRB approval for investments in Australia, citing the company’s track record as a contracted supplier of military vehicles and ammunition resupply vehicles. Additionally, Hanwha has made significant investments in a manufacturing facility in Geelong, which employs local workers.
The acquisition of Austal, according to Hanwha, would yield positive outcomes for various stakeholders, including governments, shareholders, employees, and local communities. The company is committed to navigating all necessary procedures to ensure a successful sale.
Advertising legend John Singleton has explained why he took out a full-page newspaper ad in support of Victoria Cross winner Ben Roberts-Smith.
The ad, which was published in The Weekend Australian today, is headlined “an apology to Ben Roberts-Smith from a coward.”
In it he thanks the ex-SAS soldier “for his courage, strength, commitment and the torture you must now endure.”
“No, me neither,” he wrote.
Singleton, a multi-millionaire businessman and advertising legend, said he dodged the Vietnam War, “lied my way out of it.”
“Our Vets risked our lives for us. Were we there?” he said.
Singleton, 82, said he was motivated to place the ad by what he saw as the “unfairness of it all”, especially with Anzac Day coming up.
“I’ve never met Ben Roberts-Smith,” he said.
“I have read every book I can on the bloke. You can do the same to you or me or anyone. It is horrible what’s happening.”
“These guys who go (to overseas wars like Afghanistan), risk their life, time after time.”
Singleton said he’d met ex-SAS soldiers on training programmes and expeditions, including a Mt Kilimanjaro climb.
“I’ve admired what they do. But when you sit around the fire and hear what they’ve (been through) it is horrible,” he said. “They break down, these guys. They’re human like you and me.
“I didn’t have the guts to go to war. At least I can ask people to just think twice before we blame these young men.”
In the advert, Singleton, said Roberts-Smith wasn’t to blame for foreign wars.
“In god forsaken Afghanistan, in a war which has what to do with Australia, is a Corporal on his 5th or 6th Mission.”
“Have you ever spoken to any soldier who has seen frontline action? Look at the pain in their faces. The long silence that tells so much.
“The media just turn to gossip. They grab hold of an illegal leak from a public servant. They target big, tough, impressive VC winner… not given to showing any public exterior.”
“Ben Roberts-Smith can pay for it with his reputation. Disgraceful stuff.”
“He didn’t start our war.
“He killed as soldiers do, but is now guilty of doing his job whilst risking his life for us.”
Mr Roberts-Smith is currently waiting for three Federal Court judges to consider his bid to overturn his defamation loss to Nine Newspapers last year.
He has always denied any wrongdoing and has not been criminally charged.
Yesterday, we arrived home late from a delightful cruise through the South Pacific, that included exploring three ports in Fiji. Despite Julie and I catching a chest cold from a friend we were traveling with, we disembarked the ship in good spirits.
Currently, I find myself glued to my desk, sifting through a mountain of emails accumulated during my absence. It appears some missed my notification of a three-week hiatus, perhaps presuming I had met an untimely demise. Nonetheless, I plan to resume posting this afternoon and return to my regular routine for at least a week. Next Monday, we embark on a four-week caravan journey, a familiar annual excursion. Carrying my laptop, I’ll ensure the flow of information continues daily, seamlessly transitioning from the cruise to caravan life.
In the annals of aviation history, few projects have captured the imagination and intrigue of enthusiasts and military strategists alike as much as Lockheed Martin’s SR-72, the legendary hypersonic spy plane. Born from the vaunted Skunk Works division, renowned for pushing the boundaries of aerospace technology, the SR-72 was poised to redefine the limits of reconnaissance and strike capabilities.
The story of the SR-72 begins with the unveiling of its predecessor, the iconic SR-71 Blackbird, which soared into the skies during the Cold War era, setting records and gathering intelligence at speeds that seemed inconceivable at the time. Yet, as the world moved into the 21st century, the need for even more advanced and capable reconnaissance platforms became evident.
Enter the SR-72, a project shrouded in secrecy and speculation from its inception. Initial glimpses into its development were marked by sporadic bursts of media attention and tantalizing hints at its capabilities. However, the veil of secrecy surrounding the project was abruptly drawn tighter in March of 2018, leaving many to wonder about its fate.
Despite the sudden silence, whispers persisted within aerospace circles, suggesting that the SR-72 project was far from abandoned. Recent hints have reignited speculation, with suggestions that Lockheed Martin’s Skunk Works division may have already delivered an advanced iteration of the hypersonic spy plane to the United States Air Force.
The allure of the SR-72 lies not only in its blistering speed but also in its potential to revolutionize reconnaissance and strike missions. With the ability to travel at speeds exceeding Mach 6, it could evade enemy defences and swiftly gather critical intelligence, providing decision-makers with unparalleled situational awareness.
Moreover, the SR-72’s hypersonic capabilities could enable rapid response and precision strikes against high-value targets, further bolstering the military’s ability to project power across the globe.
Yet, for all its promise, the true extent of the SR-72’s capabilities remains shrouded in secrecy, leaving the public to piece together fragments of information and speculation. As rumours swirl and hints surface, one thing is certain: the legend of Lockheed Martin’s hypersonic spy plane endures, standing as a testament to the ingenuity and innovation of the aerospace industry.